From Selfie to ISIS: How Western Powers Paradoxically Fund Terrorism

September 29, 2025

Picture this: fierce eyes, shiny gown, and a golden coffin worth millions. The perfect Kim Kardashian Met Gala Instagram post — fabulous, viral, and unforgettable. The photo lit up Instagram faster than any official Met ad campaign and accidentally exposed one of the biggest art trafficking scandals of the decade. 

 The coffin wasn’t just a prop. It was the golden sarcophagus of Nadjemankh, a first-century B.C.E. Egyptian priest. Looted during the chaos of the Arab Spring in 2011 and trafficked across the globe before landing in New York, the Metropolitan Museum of Art purchased it in a seemingly clean $4 million transaction. For Manhattan prosecutor Matthew Bogdanos, this was the missing evidence that enabled him to put an end to his quest against a sprawling antiquities trafficking network.

 But this coffin was no isolated case. Indeed, it was only the tip of an iceberg that stretched from Egyptian tombs to German art galleries, from prestigious Parisian auction houses and into the famed halls of the Met.

 This scandal unveils a dark paradox: capitals from Paris to Washington, the very architects of counterterrorism strategy, celebrate their museums as symbols of cultural diplomacy. Still, the cultural prestige of these collections is clearly intertwined with opaque markets whose profit links back to the Islamic State group, also known as ISIS. Western powers face an ethical dilemma – in celebrating their cultural radiance, they also, however indirectly, participate in sustaining the terrorists they profess to be fighting.

 Institutions like the Metropolitan Museum of Art aren’t just world-renowned tourist attractions; they are a crystal display of a country’s cultural dissemination and diplomatic power. Every year, millions of visitors travel around the world in hopes of setting their eyes not only on art, but on a sense of belonging to a “universal heritage.” As UNESCO argues, cultural heritage has become “a unique form of intercultural dialogue [with] the power to bolster and renew multilateral cooperation.” A ticket to these museums is thus not only a grant for an amazing vacation selfie but also a close encounter with the cultural domination of Western nations cast as guardians of civilization. 

 Museums aren’t neutral territory for culture; they represent a frequently disregarded aspect of state foreign policy. In 2021, the Met alone spent over $36 million on acquisitions, including state contributions. Making the U.S. government a shameful financer of the trafficking network of the coffin of Nedjemankh. Since 2011, Western museums have been replenishing their halls with artifacts springing from a flourishing black market. These reputable institutions may shelter themselves behind paperwork, but it would be hypocritical to claim ignorance of the actual context of provenance. The fetishism of art in Western societies is indeed inseparable from power. What feels like a connection is in fact an egocentric fascination with power, one that turns institutions into actors stirring the very conflicts they claim to fight. 

The chaos of the Arab Spring put a stop to licit archaeological research across Iraq, Egypt, and Syria, leaving many locals jobless. Every excavation site inherently became a gold mine for the Islamic State, which designed a wartime open-air market where archaeology could easily be converted to cash to finance its bloody ambitions. 

 Locals were swiftly put back to work as ISIS created an antiquities division. All museums and excavation sites on ISIS territory were exploited, and all non-ISIS excavators on ISIS territory were taxed 20% for their finds. Satellite imagery from 2014 revealed thousands of looting pits in Apamea, Palmyra, and Dura-Europos.  Reports show that this well-rounded bureaucratic system ended up accounting for approximately 20% of ISIS’s revenue between 2015 and 2016. 

 Artifacts just like the gilded sarcophagus of Nedjemankh rarely stayed in conflict areas; they flowed through “grey zones” like Dubai or Singapore before reappearing in European galleries with falsified paperwork before being sold to Western Museums. The loop was vicious: war created supply, traffickers laundered it, and Western buyers provided the demand that transformed broken heritage into bullets and terrorist attacks.

The shame brought upon the Metropolitan Museum of Art after buying a trafficked artifact as the centerpiece of an exposition ignited a crisis of global art trafficking. It shed light on a larger dilemma: It is impossible for nations that engage in global counter-terrorism, yet also subsidize museums that rely on opaque markets, to guarantee that public money does not indirectly fund the terror they are fighting.

Germany perfectly illustrates this paradox. As a member of the Global Coalition to Defeat ISIS and of the Global Counterterrorism Forum, Germany spends millions fighting the Islamic State, which spreads violence from the Middle East to attacks such as the Berlin Christmas market in 2016. Yet, its art market serves as the European center for the entry of trafficked Syrian and Iraqi art. 

 A federal study of more than 6,000 “Eastern Mediterranean” objects sold in Germany between 2015 and 2018 found that 98% of Syrian and Iraqi antiquities circulating in Germany had no verifiable provenance. In the absence of documentation, the concern of whether many of these objects passed through trafficking networks entangled with ISIS arises. Political credibility is at stake for Germany: it cannot fuel the fight against ISIS while subsidizing museums and art galleries that display illicit antiquities. These stakes are in no way abstract; in 2016, an ISIS-linked assailant drove a truck through the crowded Berlin Christmas market, killing eleven people and terrorizing the German society as a whole. A country that has buried its own people because of ISIS owes them diligent checks and transparency in the art sector, and overall, a coherent narrative that aligns its cultural policies with its counterterrorism commitments.

The guardians of the civilization or its hypocrites? The West cannot credibly lead counterterrorism coalitions while its cultural institutions profit from markets entangled with its enemies. Despite supposed vigilance, European and North American museums and galleries still lack competent legal checks and transparency in their collections. The contradiction is loud: governments pour billions into fighting terrorism, yet ISIS roughly earned $30 million through bureaucratic antiquities trafficking, a market sustained by Western collectors. Without further transparency and accountability, cultural diplomacy collapses into cultural hypocrisy.

Featured Image: The Sunday Times

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